Miloddan avvalgi 5300 yildan boshlab, Germaniyaning janubi -g'arbiy qismidagi Gerksxaym hududida Linearbandkeramik yoki Lineer Pottery madaniyati (LBK) rivojlanib, uni tosh davridagi oddiy aholi punkti deb atash mumkin. Uylar bir xil edi, qishloq xo'jaligining oddiy uchastkalari bir xil edi, kichik qishloq bosqinchilar va yirtqichlardan nisbatan xavfsizroq bo'lib tuyuldi. Taxminan miloddan avvalgi 4950 yillarda jamiyat to'satdan yo'q bo'lib ketdi. Shahar tashlandiki, parchalanib ketgan sopol idishlar, yuzlab so'yilgan jasadlar va ulkan suyak uyumlari qoldi. Bugungi kunda tadqiqotchilar nima bo'lganini aniq bilmaydilar, ammo alomatlar shuni ko'rsatadiki, marosim qurbonligi va ehtimol kannibalizmning bunga aloqasi bor.
Herxheim saytining xaritasi. ( bubonesofmine.wordpress.com)
2009 yilda tosh davri qishloqlaridan birining arxeologik qazishida kamida 500 kishiga va ehtimol 1000 dan ortiq odamga tegishli yuzlab odam qoldiqlari bo'lgan ommaviy qabr topilgan. Suyaklar erkaklar, ayollar va bolalar, shuningdek, chaqaloqlar va homilalar edi. Suyaklardagi asbob izlari shuni ko'rsatadiki, go'sht katta suyaklari singan bo'lsa -da, ilik suyagiga tushishi uchun ehtiyotkorlik bilan qirib tashlangan. Hatto bosh suyaklari ham miyalarni yaxshiroq chiqarib olganday singan.
- Arxeologlar tarixdan oldingi qirg'in dalillarini aniqlaydilar: suyaklari singan, bosh suyaklari singan
- Inson suyaklari Azteklarning marosim yamyamlik bilan shug'ullanganligini isbotlaydi
Qassoblik hammasi qurbonlar vafotidan ko'p o'tmay sodir bo'lgan va ular nima qilayotganlarini bilgan odam tomonidan aniq amalga oshirilgan. Garchi qassoblik xuddi shu chorva yoki qo'y so'yish usullari bilan qilingan bo'lsa -da, odam go'shti nima bo'lganligi aniq emas. Ba'zilar, Geksxaym qishloq aholisi go'shtni yeb qo'yganiga ishonishadi; boshqalar aytishicha, bu marosim doirasida suyaklar bilan birga dafn etilgan bo'lardi.
Dafnni topayotgan arxeolog. ( muzey-herxheim.de)
"Biz o'lganlar soni ikki baravar ko'p bo'lishini kutmoqdamiz",-dedi Herxxaymda faoliyat ko'rsatayotgan madaniy meros agentligining loyiha rahbari Andrea Zib-Lanz. Bunday ko'p sonli, atigi 10 ta binoga ega bo'lgan kichik qishloq uchun juda o'ziga xosdir. Uglerod-14 tahlillari orqali tanishish, Gerksgeymda topilgan suyaklar o'sha aholi punktining oxirgi ma'lum aholisi ekanligini tasdiqlaydi. Biroq, chuqurdan topilgan artefaktlar tahlili shuni ko'rsatdiki, qurbonlar qishloqning tub aholisi emas. Darhaqiqat, ular butun Evropadan, jumladan Moselle daryosi (taxminan 62 milya (100 km)) va Elba daryosi mintaqasidan (taxminan 250 milya (400 km) narida) kelganlar. Mutaxassislar bu anomaliyani har bir qurbonning qovurg'alari orasiga yotqizilgan kulolchilik buyumlari, ko'pincha juda nozik sopol idishlar bilan aniqladilar. Kulolchilik buyumlari juda yaxshi ishlangan, biroq qasddan parchalanib ketgan. Parchalar, shuningdek, yangi tosh pichoqlar va tegirmon toshlari singan suyaklar bilan aralashtirib, chuqurga tashlangan. O'lganlar jangda o'ldirilmagan, kasal bo'lmagan va to'yib ovqatlanmagan. Ko'pchilik hatto qarib qolmagan.
"Bundan tashqari, odamlar ixtiyoriy ravishda bu erga kelib, qurbonlik keltirishini tasavvur qilish mumkin edi", dedi Zib-Lanz.
Herxaym dafn marosimi ( bubonesofmine.wordpress.com)
Qisqa vaqt ichida, ehtimol 50 yil ichida, bunday kichik qishloq qanday mashhur bo'lib ketganini hech kim aniq bilmaydi. 1000 dan ortiq odam Gerksgeymga uzoq masofalarda ziyorat qilishgani muhim logistika va kommunikativ yutuqdir. Miloddan avvalgi 4950 yilga kelib, odamlarni Gerksgeymga jalb qiladigan narsa to'satdan tugadi.
"50 yil-bu maksimal", dedi Zeeb-Lanz. "Hammasi atigi ikki yil yoki hatto besh hafta ichida sodir bo'lishi mumkin edi."
- Xitoyda 100 ming yillik bolakay suyaklari tish izlarini aniqladi
- Dekapitatsiya kashfiyoti qadimgi inklarning dahshatli amaliyotini ochib beradi
Tadqiqot rahbari Zeeb-Lanzning fikricha, Herxaym siriga javob qurbonlarning bosh suyaklarida. Bosh suyaklarini sindirish mashq qilingan qo'l bilan yakunlandi. Teri tozalanganidan so'ng, har bir bosh suyagi ehtiyotkorlik bilan sindirib tashlandi, shunda pastki uchdan bir qismi qopqoq yoki ichimlik idishini qoldirib olib tashlandi. Odam bosh suyaklarining mo'rtligini va qassobning qo'lida bo'lgan asosiy tosh asboblarini hisobga olsak, buni faqat mutaxassis qila olardi. Bosh suyagi qopqog'i/chashka keyinchalik murakkab ramzlar bilan o'yilgan. Tarixchilar bu belgilarning ma'nosini aniqlay olmaydilar, ammo odamlar ochlikdan o'ldirilmaganligi aniq. Bu marosimning bir qismi edi, ehtimol diniy ahamiyatga ega edi. Hamma bosh suyaklari bir joyga to'plangan holda topilgan.
Boshsuyagi Herxxeym arxeologik joyidan topilgan. ( CC BY-SA 3.0 )
"Ammo, ehtimol, ulardan hech kim ichmagan. Qirralari bugun ham shunchalik o'tkirki, lablarini kesish mumkin edi ”,-deydi Zib-Lanz. "Qancha ko'p tadqiqotlar o'tkazilsa, bu joy shunchalik sirli bo'ladi."
Herxgeymda nashr etilgan ko'plab shov-shuvli maqolalarda kannibalizm e'lon qilingan, ammo qazishmalar rahbari Zeeb-Lanz hayratlanarli xulosalarga qarshi ogohlantirgan. "Bu ulkan aholi punkti emasligini unutmasligimiz kerak. Bularning hammasini kim yebdi? »
Anjikuni qishlog'idan odamlarning yo'qolishi haqidagi hikoya
Afsonaga ko'ra, 1930 yil noyabr oyida to'lin oy qish kechasida kanadalik mo'ynali ovchi Jo Labell Kanadaning Nunavut shtatidagi Kivalliq viloyati Anjikuni ko'li bo'yidagi Anjikuni qishlog'iga borgan.
Dahshatki, u qishloqda bitta odamni yoki hayvonni ko'rmagan. Label sayohatlari davomida qishloqda boshpana topish uchun ko'p bor bo'lgan. U 2000-2500 atrofida yashagan odamlarni ko'rgan.
U har doim qishloq aholisi tomonidan iliq kutib olingan. Endi u atrofda hech kimni ko'rmasdi. Keyin u har bir kulbani tekshirdi va oziq -ovqat zaxiralari va jihozlarini topdi. Qishloq aholisining kiyimlarini ham uylaridan topdi. Hatto miltiqlari ham eshikning yon tomonlariga qadalgan.
U hatto uzoq sovuq olovda ovqat bilan to'ldirilgan qozonlarni ko'rdi. Baydarkalar ham uylar tashqarisida joylashgandi. Inuitlar qayerga ketganini aniqlaydigan qor izlari yo'q edi.
Shokka tushgan Label eng yaqin telegraf idorasiga bordi va u Kanada tog 'politsiyasiga xabar yubordi. Politsiya kelib, qishloqni tintuv qildi.
Keyinchalik ular topgan narsa dahshatli edi. Qishloq qabristonidagi har bir qabr bo'sh edi. Qishloqdan biroz uzoqda ular ochlikdan o'lgan va qor ostida qolib ketgan ettita chana itni topdilar.
Boshqa qishloqlarning inuitlari zulmatda keyinroq so'nib qolgan ko'k chiroqni ko'rganini xabar qilishdi. Ko'p tergov o'tkazildi. Tadqiqotlar shuni ko'rsatdiki, qishloq, ehtimol, Jo kashf qilishidan ikki oy oldin tashlandiq bo'lgan. Inuitlarning izini hech kim bilmasdi yoki topa olmasdi.
Label jurnalistlarga o'zining dahshatli kashfiyotini tasvirlab berdi:
"Men nimadir noto'g'ri bo'lganini darhol his qildim ... Yarim pishirilgan idishlarni ko'rib, men kechki ovqatni tayyorlash paytida bezovtalanishganini bilardim.
Har bir kabinada men eshik yonida miltiq topilganini ko'rdim va hech bir eskimos qurolsiz hech qaerga ketmaydi ... men dahshatli narsa bo'lganini tushundim.
Tergov paytida, sirli yo'qolish haqidagi hikoya haqiqat emasligi haqida da'vo qilindi. Aytilishicha, Jo Labell mamlakatda yangi bo'lgan va u bu erga hech qachon tashrif buyurmagan.
U hech qachon aholi sonini bilmas edi. Ammo haqiqat shundaki, tog'liklar Anjikuni qirg'og'ida kiyim -kechak va oziq -ovqat mahsulotlari bo'lgan bo'sh uylarni topdilar.
Demak, odamlar qaerda g'oyib bo'lishgan va asosiy qurol va qimmatbaho miltiqlarini qoldirib ketishgan.
Yo'qolib borayotgan Anjikuni qabilasining ishi hal qilinmagan ishlar fayllari ostida joylashgan.
Resident Evil Village sharhi
Resi tarixidagi eng unutilmas grotesk dushmanlari bo'lgan dahshatli dahshatli to'plamlarning dahshatli chiroyli to'plami.
Bu nima? Birinchi odamning omon qolishi haqidagi dahshatli o'yin.
To'lashni kuting & funt 50/60 dollar
Ishlab chiquvchi Capcom
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Havola Rasmiy sayt
"Resident Evil Village" uyi baxtli sahnadan boshlanadi, chunki bizning qahramonimiz Ethan Winters (Resident Evil 7 -dan qaytgan) va uning rafiqasi Mia kechki ovqat tayyorlaydilar va yangi tug'ilgan chaqaloqlari Rozmariga qarashadi. Keyin yomon narsa yuz beradi va men aytmayman, chunki bu juda hayratlanarli va tez orada Ethan o'zini qor bo'ronida, yolg'iz qishloqda, yo'qolgan bolasini qidirib topib oladi. Bu keskin, to'satdan kirish, lekin samarali kirish, darhol baholarni ko'tarib, Village shafqatsiz, sadistik ohangini o'rnatdi.
O'yin nomini olgan qishloq qaerda joylashganligi haqida hech qachon aniq aytilmagan, biroq ba'zi maslahatlar uning Ruminiyaning qishki tog'larida joylashganligini ko'rsatadi. Qishloqning o'zi yog'och va g'ishtdan qurilgan uylar, dehqonlarning dalalari va vaqti -vaqti bilan cherkov bo'lib ketgan. Uning tepasida tumanga cho'zilgan ulkan gumbazli gotik qal'a joylashgan, shuningdek, qadimiy vayronalar izlari borki, ular uzoq va g'alati tarixni ko'rsatadi. Bu ajoyib muhit. Atmosfera, tahdid va sir bilan to'lib -toshgan va men har bir qorong'i va iflos burchakni o'rganmoqchi bo'lgan joy.
Ethan - bu zerikarli yigit, nima bo'layotganidan doim chalkash ko'rinadi va hech qachon aytishga qiziq narsa yo'q. Bu uni biroz g'ayrioddiy qahramonga aylantiradi, lekin uning o'ta normalligi qiladi qishloqning g'alati aholisining eksantrikligini oshiradi. Oldingi o'yindagi Beykerlar oilasi nisbatan asosli gullalar edi, lekin bu erda Capcom o'zining antagonistlarining dahshatini jiddiy ravishda kuchaytirdi. Ethan Rose uchun ov qilayotganda, u baland bo'yli va jozibali vampirga, g'alati mutant baliqqa, qotil chinni qo'g'irchoqqa va boshqa har xil g'alati odamlarga qarshi chiqadi.
Qishloqning menga yoqadigan tomoni shundaki, u hech qachon qo'rqinchli o'yinlarning bir turi bo'lib qolmaydi. Har bir yovuz odamning uyida, dushman qo'shinlariga qarshi nafas olishsiz, harakatlar bilan omon qolishdan tortib, sekinroq yonib ketadigan, dahshatning psixologik brendigacha bo'lgan janrning o'ziga xos ko'rinishi bor. Bu ajoyib, unutilmas g'oyalar bilan to'lib toshgan, doimo yurak urish tezligini oshirish va sizni konfor zonasidan chiqarib yuborishning aqlli, hayratlanarli yangi usullarini kashf etadi. Va bu deyarli butun o'yin davomida saqlanib qolishi mumkin.
Qishloqning menga yoqadigan tomoni shundaki, u hech qachon qo'rqinchli o'yinlarning bir turi bo'lib qolmaydi
Har bir bo'lim juda boshqacha, qishloq deyarli dahshatli antologiyani his qiladi. Qabul qilish kerakki, bu, ba'zida, hamma qismlar bir -biriga mahkam bog'lab qo'yilgandek, bir -biriga mos kelmasligi mumkin. Siz tez-tez Capcom o'yinning ko'plab ajoyib to'plamlari uchun g'oyalarga ega ekanligini, so'ngra ularni oxirgi daqiqada qanday qilib birlashtirishga qaror qilganini tushunasiz. Ammo, bu yondashuvning xilma -xilligi bunga arziydi. Ishlab chiquvchi sizga qanday g'alati g'alabani keltirishini hech qachon bilmaysiz.
Bu nafaqat uni hozirgi kunga qadar eng xilma -xil, balki eng qo'rqinchli qiladi. Bunga eng yaxshi misollardan biri - qo'g'irchoq ishlab chiqaruvchi va qishloq hukmdorlaridan biri Donna Benevientoning uyi. O'nlab dahshatli, qora ko'zli qo'g'irchoqlar bilan to'lib-toshgan, qichqirgan, changli eski uy va mdashda, siz juda qo'rqinchli bo'lishi mumkin bo'lgan uchrashuv bilan yakunlangan, dahshatli, dahshatli dahshatning ajoyib tarzda qurilgan lahzalarini boshdan kechirasiz. Resident Evil tarixidagi bir lahza.
Boshqa bo'limda sizni yuqorida aytilgan baland vampir Dimitresku xonim ovlaydi. Uning 15 -asr qal'asi - bezatilgan, yaltiroq yo'laklar va soyali chizilgan xonalarning dabdabali bezatilgan va shamlar bilan yumshoq yoritilgan boy labirintidir. Bu nihoyatda atmosfera muhitidir va sizni o'ziga yuklaydigan xonim D (asabiylashib ketadigan eshiklar orasidan siqilib o'tirganingizda) asabiy asabiylashadi. U ta'qib qilayotganda, siz asosiy darvoza qulfini ochish uchun narsalarni qidirishingiz kerak bo'ladi, bu biroz chalkashliklarni va haqiqiy Resi uslubida binoni aqliy xaritalashni o'z ichiga oladi.
Dimitrescu qal'asi, ehtimol, Resident Evil -ning ta'sirchan vizuallarining eng yaxshi vitridir, lekin butun o'yin odobsiz chiroyli. Atrof -muhit juda batafsil va hayratlanarli darajada yoritilgan bo'lib, har bir ob'ekt va sirtga aniq iflos va to'qima qatlami qo'yilgan. U yuqori aniqlikda ham muammosiz ishlaydi va raytracing ajoyib yorug'lik va akslarni beradi. Qahramon modellari ham hayratlanarli, ifodali va ishonchli animatsiya bilan aktyorlar guruhini dahshatli tarzda hayotga olib keladi. Ingliz ovozli aktyorlik ozgina xamyadir, lekin aksariyat hollarda bu bema'nilik, egomaniakal belgilarga mos keladi.
Qal'a va qo'g'irchoqbozlarning saroyi serialning eng esda qolarli qismlaridan biri hisoblanadi. Lekin men ularning ba'zilaridan ko'proq narsani siqib chiqarganlarini istardim. Qaysidir ma'noda, men Capcom o'z g'oyalarini quritib yuborish istagiga qarshilik ko'rsatib, o'yinchiga yangi narsalarni taqdim etish uchun ularni bir chetga surib qo'yganini qadrlayman. Bu hamma narsani yangi va oldindan aytib bo'lmaydigan qilib qo'yadi. Ammo vaqti -vaqti bilan men ushbu ketma -ketliklardan birining oxiriga etib borib, "Bu shundaymi?" Ba'zida men o'ylaymanki, meni hayolli uyning keyingi xonasiga olib kirishdan oldin hammasini namlashimga ko'proq vaqt berishini xohlardim.
Boshqa joyda, dahshat tezroq. Resident Evil 7-da bir xil oddiy dushman bo'lganida, loyga o'xshash Molded & mdashVillage Lycans deb nomlangan bir qancha vahshiy dahshatlarni o'z ichiga oladi. Bu yovvoyi va jirkanch jonzotlar har xil ko'rinishda bo'ladi va siz ularga qarshi kurashish uchun o'z taktikangizni muntazam ravishda o'zgartirishingiz kerak. Likanning g'iybatli kuchi unchalik kuchli emas, lekin ular chaqqon va sportchi, ular sizga to'satdan uzoqdan sakrashga, devorlar va zinapoyalarga ko'tarilishga qodir.
Men oddiy Likanlarni bo'rilarga o'xshab juda qo'rqib ketgandek ko'rdim, lekin keyinchalik takrorlanishlar ancha qo'rqitadi. Qishloqning ikkinchi yarmida chindan ham chalkash jonzotlar bor, ular orasida qo'llar uchun matkaplar bilan biomexanik dahshatlar, zanglagan metall bo'laklari bor yigitlar va boshqa shunga o'xshash dahshatli misollar bor-Klayv Barker. Bu RE7 qora shilimshiqlarining sezgir bo'laklarini taqqoslaganda juda cho'loq ko'rinadi.
Qishloqning ikkinchi yarmida chindan ham chalkash jonzotlar bor
Qishloqning ko'p qismi tor va tor joylarda o'tkazilsa -da, ba'zida jang maydonini hisobga olgan holda katta maydonlarga ochiladi. Bu erda siz dushman guruhlarini o'ziga jalb qilish uchun portlovchi bochkalarni, tomlarni ko'tarilishni, uylar sirpanib kirishni va mebellarni eshiklar bo'ylab sudralib o'tishni topasiz. Bu bo'limlar juda g'azablangan, lekin siz qurolni ko'p o'q otishingiz shart bo'lmagan paytlarga qaraganda unchalik qiziq emas. Qishloq-bu birinchi darajali otishma, lekin har doim Capcom atmosferaga va harakatdagi keskinlikka e'tibor qaratsa, bu yaxshiroq o'yin.
Biroq, ishlab chiquvchi jumboqlarga qiziqishni deyarli yo'qotdi. Qishloqda bir nechtasi bor, lekin ular juda oson, har doim yuzingizga tikilib qaraydigan echimlar. "Resident Evil" o'yinlarida har doim yashirin va jumboqlardan zavqlangan odam sifatida men buni biroz umidsizlikka solaman. Bu kashfiyotlar va janglar oqimining uzilishlari kamroq bo'lgan holda, yanada xotirjam o'yin o'tkazadi. Lekin men kabi bu uzilishlar, menimcha, qishloqqa miyasidan soliq to'lashdan foyda ko'rish mumkin edi. Men 11 soat ichida bir marta tiqilib qolmadim.
Ethanning qishloqda ittifoqchilari juda kam va ular u bilan uchrashgandan ko'p o'tmay dahshatli tarzda o'lishadi. Ammo "Dyuk" deb nomlanuvchi sirli belgi - doimiy do'stona tashrif. U qiziquvchan sirli savdogar va har doim sizdan bir qadam oldinda ko'rinadi. Burchakni yangi maydonga burang va siz uni o'sha erda topasiz, sigarani jimgina puflab, tangangizni intizorlik bilan kutayapsiz. U qurol -yarog ', o'q -dorilar, chizmalar va boshqa foydali narsalarni sotadi va siz topgan har qanday xazinani sotib oladi, shu jumladan xo'jayinlarning kristallangan qoldiqlarini ham o'z ichiga oladi.
Dyuk, shuningdek, qurolni yangilashi va xom ashyoni sog'lig'ingizni, mudofaangizni va harakat tezligingizni doimiy ravishda oshiradigan taomlarga aylantirishi mumkin. Qishloqni kashf qilganingizda, siz cho'chqalar, qo'ylar, tovuqlar va vaqti -vaqti bilan daryoda chayqaladigan baliqlar bilan uchrashasiz. Ularni o'qqa tuting, shunda ular go'shtni tashlab yuborishadi, keyin esa gertsog statistikani kuchaytiradigan mazali bayramlardan birini qamchilash uchun ishlatishi mumkin. Bu bir nechta ixtiyoriy topshiriqlar va chalg'ituvchi narsalardan biridir, bu qishloqqa o'tgan o'yinga qaraganda biroz kamroq chiziqli his qilishiga yordam beradi, hatto bu hikoya qat'iy belgilangan yo'ldan ketsa ham.
Dyukka yugurish menga eski Resident Evil o'yinlarida xavfsiz xonani topganimda o'zimni yengillik bag'ishlaydi. Bu nafas olish, qayta guruhlanish, tartibsiz inventarizatsiyani tartibga solish va yaqin atrofdagi yozuv mashinasida saqlash uchun imkoniyatdir. Ha, yozuv mashinkalari qaytdi, lekin ulardan foydalanish uchun siyoh lentalari kerak emas. Qishloqda inventarizatsiyani boshqarish muhim masaladir, lekin faqat qurol, o'q -dorilar va sog'liqni saqlash buyumlari bilan cheklangan. Bu o'yinda sehrli buyumlar qutilari yo'q, shuning uchun qurol yoki boshqa katta hajmli joy juda ko'p joyni egallasa, siz uni sotishingiz yoki inventarizatsiyani kattalashtirish uchun to'lashingiz kerak bo'ladi.
Eshik kalitlari va jumboqlarni hal qilish uchun zarur bo'lgan narsalar kabi muhim narsalar inventarizatsiya qilinmaydi va alohida, tubsiz menyuda saqlanadi, bu qishloqning "Resident Evil" klassik formulasini soddalashtirishning asosiy usuli. Xazina ham inventarizatsiyani egallamaydi, shuning uchun siz xohlaganingizcha billur bosh suyagini olib yurishingiz mumkin. Tan olishim kerak, men eski tizimni sog'indim, bu erda kalitni olish qurol yoki boshqa foydali narsalarni qurbon qilishni anglatishi mumkin. Ammo bu menyuga yoki orqaga qaytishga sarflanadigan vaqtni kamaytiradi, bu esa o'yinlarning umumiy tezligini oshiradi.
RE7 bilan taqqoslaganda, qishloq ancha qiziqarli tuzilishga ega. Qishloq markazidagi katta, ochiq maydon markaz vazifasini bajaradi, undan o'yinning barcha asosiy joylari bir nechta kalitlar bilan qulflangan. Bu RE2 politsiya bo'linmasining asosiy zaliga o'xshash xavfsiz zonadir va siz uni tez -tez ko'rib turasiz. Bu erda siz Dyukga, shuningdek, har bir yovuzning uyiga kirishga oson kirasiz. Qishloq, shuningdek, qo'shimcha hikoyalar, noyob xazina va minibosslarni o'z ichiga olgan bir nechta ixtiyoriy joylarni yashiradi. Bu sizni tanaffusdan adashib, o'rganishga vaqt ajratganingiz uchun mukofotlaydi.
Garchi Resident Evil 7 -da yumshoq qayta yuklash sezilgan bo'lsa -da, faqat seriyaning kattaroq mifologiyasiga tegsa ham, Village seriyadagi har bir o'yinga teskari ta'sir ko'rsatadigan ba'zi katta vahiylarni o'z ichiga oladi. Agar siz bu hikoyalarning muxlisi bo'lsangiz va so'nggi bir necha o'yinlar bu olam va qahramonlar haqidagi yangi ma'lumotlarni yoritganday tuyulsa, Village umidsizlikka tushmaydi. Lekin eng muhimi shundaki, bu sizni yangi soxta hikoyalar bilan bombardimon qiladigan Resi filmining davomi emas. Bu vahiylar katta va muhim, lekin Ethanning hikoyasi o'z -o'zidan turishiga yo'l qo'yib, orqa fonda jim o'tiring.
Hikoyani tugatgandan so'ng, siz yutuqlarni qulfdan chiqarish orqali qo'lga kiritilgan o'yin valyutasi bilan qo'shimcha narsalarni tanlashingiz mumkin bo'lgan do'konni ochasiz. Bunga The Mercenaries -ning qaytishi, muxlislarning sevimli arcade/vaqtli hujum rejimi kiradi. Qishloqning qaroriga ko'ra, siz davralar o'rtasida Dyukdan buyumlar va qurol sotib olishingiz mumkin. Ammo aks holda, u Resi 4 tomonidan ommalashgan rejimga sodiq qoladi. Yangi O'yin+ rejimi ham bor, bu sizga qurol va xarakterni bir soniya, yanada qattiqroq bajarish imkonini beradi.
Vaqti -vaqti bilan qishloqda o'nlab turli dahshatli o'yinlar birlashib ketgandek tuyulishi mumkin. Ammo uning g'oyalarining kuchi va xilma -xilligi, badiiy yo'nalishning sifati va uning qorong'u uyg'otuvchi atmosferasi buning o'rnini bosa olmaydi. Bu dadil va eksperimental dahshatli o'yin, lekin shu bilan birga serialning o'tmishdagi shon -shuhratiga va ayniqsa "Resident Evil" ga tayanadi. Bu erda 2005 yilda Mikamining ko'plab ixtirolari, savdogarlar va qurollarni yangilashdan tortib, qishloq joylari va buzilgan qishloq aholisigacha bo'lgan ko'plab ixtirolari bor. Oxir -oqibat, Village - bu o'ziga xosligi bo'lgan o'ziga xos o'yin va uni avvalgi ketma -ketliklardan olgan elementlar hech qachon aniqlamaydi. Bu o'z -o'zidan sifatli dahshatli o'yin va "Resident Evil" ning isboti 25 yildan keyin ham hayajon, hayrat va qo'rqitishga qodir.
Herkul Puaro Agata Kristi yaratgan eng mashhur qahramon bo'lishi mumkin edi, lekin bu nafaqat bitta, na qiziqarli va o'ziga jalb etuvchi detektiv. Miss Marpl, shuningdek, Kristining romanlarida tez -tez qotillik sirlari bilan shug'ullanadigan aqlli kampir rolini o'ynaydi.
Shou Marple ikkita aktrisaning rolini o'ynaydi va ikkalasi ham o'ziga xos joziba va o'ziga xoslikni olib keladi. Bundan tashqari, Miss Marpl ko'rsatgan holatlar Britaniya televideniyesi tarixidagi eng qiziqarli va murakkab holatlardan biridir.
Bu savollar a markazida Nyu -Yorkerda yangi maqola Duglas Preston tomonidan, shuningdek keyingi webinar muhokamasi Preston va Prinston universiteti antropologi Agust va iacuten Fuentes boshchiligida va Nyu -Meksikodagi ilg'or tadqiqotlar maktabi tomonidan uyushtirilgan.
Roopkundning hikoyasi o'tmishni o'rganishda ko'plab dalillarga ehtiyoj borligini ko'rsatadi. Faqatgina suyaklar sirli: ular erkaklarga ham, ayollarga ham, asosan yoshlarga tegishli, ular bir necha janglarda, ehtimol o'nlab yoki yuzlab yillar davomida vafot etganga o'xshaydi.
Yaqin atrofdagi qishloq aholisi tomonidan berilgan og'zaki hikoyalar ko'proq yoritishni ta'minlaydi. Ko'l hind ma'budasi Parvati namoyon bo'lgan Nanda Devi uchun ziyoratgohda. Mahalliy afsonaga ko'ra, bir paytlar olis qirol Nanda Devini g'azablantirib, uning shohligiga qurg'oqchilik qo'zg'atgan. Ma'budani tinchlantirish uchun qirol haj safariga yo'l oldi va u o'zi va atrofidagilarni hozirgi Uttaraxand shtatidagi Roopkund yonidan olib ketdi. Ammo ahmoq qirol sayohatga raqqosalar va boshqa hashamatlarni olib kelib, Nanda Devining g'azabini kuchaytirdi. U dahshatli do'l yog'dirdi va butun partiyani o'ldirdi, afsonaga ko'ra.
Bu ertak haqiqatdan uzoq bo'lmasligi mumkin. Roopkundda qurbon bo'lganlarning ba'zilarida bosh suyagi singan, ular jarohatlar natijasida paydo bo'lgan. tadqiqot topdi. O'lganlarning ko'plari bilan nima sodir bo'lganligi haqidagi eng yaxshi taxmin? Ularni dahshatli bo'ronlar paytida ko'l tepasidagi tizma ustida ushlashdi, ehtimol ularning ba'zilari halokatli do'lni o'z ichiga olgan. Ko'pchilik qurbonlar, ehtimol, ko'l va uning atrofiga tushib qolishganida, gipotermiya tufayli vafot etishgan, chunki ularning jasadlari tepalikka qulab tushgan.
Xitoy boshqa mamlakat hududida butun qishloqlarni qurmoqda
2015 yil oktyabr oyida Xitoy Tibet avtonom viloyati (TAR) janubida tibet tilida Gyalafug yoki xitoy tilida Jieluobu deb nomlangan yangi qishloq tashkil etilganini e'lon qildi. 2020 yil aprel oyida TAR Kommunistik partiyasi kotibi Vu Yingji yangi qishloqqa tashrif buyurish uchun balandligi 14000 futdan oshadigan ikkita dovondan o'tdi. U o'sha erda yashovchilarga, hammasi ham tibetliklarga, "qor chegarasida Kalsang gullari kabi ildizlarni tashlab qo'yishni" va "yorqin besh yulduzli qizil bayroqni baland ko'tarishni" aytdi. Tashrifning filmi mahalliy telekanallarda namoyish etildi va Tibet gazetalarining birinchi sahifalarida yopishtirildi. Bu haqda Xitoydan tashqarida xabar berilmagan: Tibetda yuzlab yangi qishloqlar qurilmoqda va bu qishloqdan farqi yo'qdek tuyuldi.
2015 yil oktyabr oyida Xitoy Tibet avtonom viloyati (TAR) janubida tibet tilida Gyalafug yoki xitoy tilida Jieluobu deb nomlangan yangi qishloq tashkil etilganini e'lon qildi. 2020 yil aprel oyida TAR Kommunistik partiyasi kotibi Vu Yingji yangi qishloqqa tashrif buyurish uchun balandligi 14000 futdan oshadigan ikkita dovondan o'tdi. U o'sha erda yashovchilarga, hammasi ham tibetliklarga, "qorlar chegarasida Kalsang gullari kabi ildizlarni tashlashni" va "yorqin besh yulduzli qizil bayroqni baland ko'tarishni" aytdi. Tashrifning filmi mahalliy telekanallarda namoyish etildi va Tibet gazetalarining birinchi sahifalarida yopishtirildi. Bu Xitoydan tashqarida aytilmagan: Tibetda yuzlab yangi qishloqlar barpo etilmoqda va bu qishloq boshqacha emasdek tuyuldi.
Gyalafug boshqacha: Butanda. Vu amaldorlar, politsiya va jurnalistlardan iborat xodimlari xalqaro chegarani kesib o'tishgan. Ular 1980-yillarning boshidan buyon Xitoy tomonidan da'vo qilingan, lekin Butan shimolidagi Lxuntse tumanining bir qismi sifatida tushunilgan 232 kvadrat kilometrlik maydonda edi. Xitoy amaldorlari butun dunyo sezmagan muvaffaqiyatlarni nishonlash uchun tashrif buyurishdi, ular Butan xalqi sifatida tarixan tushunilgan hududda ko'chmanchilar, xavfsizlik xodimlari va harbiy infratuzilmani o'rnatdilar.
Ushbu loyiha haqida: Bu hikoya va uning xaritalari bo'yicha tadqiqotlar Robert Barnett, Metyu Akester, Ronald Shvarts va ismini oshkor qilmaslikni so'ragan ikki tibetlik tadqiqotchi tomonidan olib borilgan. Tibetdagi siyosatni ishlab chiqish bo'yicha davom etayotgan birgalikdagi tadqiqot loyihasi doirasida, Xitoy rasmiy OAV hisobotlari, Xitoy bloglari, Butan Milliy Assambleyasi hisobotlari, Hindiston ommaviy axborot vositalari hisobotlari va OpenStreetMap va AI bilan xaritani o'z ichiga olgan ochiq manbali xaritalash xizmatlaridan olingan materiallardan foydalangan holda tayyorlangan. Eslatma: Ushbu hikoyadagi havolalar asosan xitoy yoki tibet tilidagi ommaviy axborot vositalarida. Joy nomlari Butan tilida ishlatilganiga ko'ra berilgan, bu erda ular ishonchsiz bo'lishi mumkin bo'lgan xitoy hisobotlarining tibetcha tarjimalaridan olingan. Fotosurat tagida xitoycha ismlar qavs ichida berilgan.
Bu yangi qurilish Xitoy prezidenti Si Tszinpinning 2017 yildan buyon Tibet chegara hududlarini mustahkamlashga qaratilgan asosiy harakatining bir qismi bo'lib, Xitoyning Hindiston va qo'shnilarining Himoloy chegaralaridan ustun kelishga qaratilgan uzoq yillik sa'y-harakatlarining keskin o'sishiga olib keldi. Bu holda, Xitoy Butanda joylashadigan erga muhtoj emas: uning maqsadi - Butan hukumatini Xitoyning Butanning boshqa joylarida Pekinga Yangi Dehli bilan kurashda harbiy ustunlik berishini istagan hududni berishga majburlash. Gyalafug - hozirda uchta yangi qishloqdan biri (ikkitasi allaqachon ishg'ol qilingan, bittasi qurilayotgan), 66 mil uzunlikdagi yangi yo'llar, kichik gidroelektr stantsiyasi, ikkita Kommunistik partiya ma'muriy markazi, aloqa bazasi, falokatlarga yordam beradigan ombor, beshta harbiy yoki politsiya posti, Asosiy signal minorasi, sun'iy yo'ldosh qabul qilish stantsiyasi, harbiy baza va Xitoy aytganidek, TARda Lhodrakning bir qismi bo'lgan, lekin aslida u erda joylashgan oltita xavfsizlik punkti va postlari deb ishoniladi. Butanning shimolida.
Bunga Xitoy o'tmishda quruqlikdagi chegaralarida qilganidan ko'ra ko'proq provokatsion strategiya kiradi. Butun hududni boshqa mamlakat hududiga joylashtirish, 1962 yilda Hindiston bilan urushga, 1967 va 1987 yildagi harbiy to'qnashuvlarga va 2020 yilda 24 ta xitoy va hind askarining o'limiga olib kelgan oldinga patrul va vaqti-vaqti bilan yo'l qurishdan ham uzoqdir. , Xitoyning Butan bilan tuzgan shartnomasi shartlarini ochiqchasiga buzadi. Bundan tashqari, Butanliklar tomonidan Pekinda o'tkazilgan o'nlab yillar davomidagi noroziliklarga e'tibor berilmagan. Pekin Janubiy Xitoy dengizida qo'llagan provokatsion taktikani Himoloyda aks ettirgan holda, har doim o'z ehtiyojlari va manfaatlarini hurmat qilib kelgan qo'shnilari bilan munosabatlarini xavf ostiga qo'yadi va butun dunyo bo'ylab obro'siga putur etkazadi.Gyalafugdagi asosiy ma'muriyat binosi, 2020 yilda ko'rinib turibdi. Binoning tepasida: "Partiya va ommaviy xizmat ko'rsatish markazi", deb yozilgan.
TAR partiyasi kotibi Vu Yingji 2020 yil aprel oyida Gyalafug qishlog'i ma'muriyati binosi oldida qishloq aholisi bilan uchrashadi. Tibet Daily TV ekran tasvirlari
Butan ichidagi Xitoyning ko'p bosqichli qurilish tashabbusi tashqi dunyo tomonidan deyarli sezilmay qoldi. Butan bilishi kerak va mintaqadagi boshqa hukumatlar, ehtimol, Butanning shimoliy chegaralarida Xitoy faolligini bilishadi, lekin bu faoliyatning to'liq hajmini sezmagan yoki sukut saqlashni tanlagan bo'lishi mumkin. Haydovchilik haqidagi ma'lumotlar Xitoyda, Xitoyning ijtimoiy tarmoqlarida va Xitoy hukumat hujjatlarida chop etilgan Tibet va Xitoy tilidagi rasmiy gazetalarda yashiringan. Bu xitoy hisobotlarining bitta hiylasi bor: ular hech qachon sun'iy yo'ldosh tasvirlari bilan tasdiqlangan bu qurilish ishlari Butanda emas, balki bahsli hududlarda olib borilayotganini eslamaydilar.
Xitoy ilgari Butanga yo'llar qurishga urinib ko'rdi - lekin asosan uning g'arbiy hududlarida va muvaffaqiyatsiz. 2017 yilda Xitoyning Butan janubi-g'arbiy qismidagi Doklam platosi bo'ylab, Hindiston bilan bo'linish yonida yo'l qurishga urinishi, yuzlab xitoy va hind qo'shinlari o'rtasida 73 kunlik to'qnashuvni keltirib chiqardi va ularni tark etishga to'g'ri keldi. O'tgan yilning noyabr oyida Hindiston ommaviy axborot vositasi Butanning janubi -g'arbiy chegarasida, subtropik o'rmonda Xitoy hukumati tomonidan Pangda deb nomlangan qishloq qurilgani haqida xabar bergan edi. (Xitoy bu da'voni rad etdi.) Ammo, ba'zi tahlilchilar taxmin qilganidek, Butan bu hududni Xitoyga jimgina berdi, lekin uni tashqi dunyoga e'lon qilmadi.
Ammo Gyalafug ustida ishlash Pangda shahridan besh yil oldin boshlangan, uning rivojlanishi ancha ilg'or bo'lib, bitta qishloqni emas, balki butun tumanlarning joylashishini o'z ichiga oladi. Biroq, Gyalafug ishi boshqa o'lchovni o'z ichiga oladi, bu juda sezgir: Bu Butan va uning xalqi uchun diniy ahamiyatga ega.
Butan Xitoy tomonidan da'vo qilingan hududlar
Xitoy Butan g'arbida to'rtta, shimolda uchta va sharqda Saktengga da'vo qiladi. U shimolda faol ravishda da'vo qiladigan joylar - Beyul Khenpajong va Menchuma vodiysi, garchi rasmiy Xitoy xaritalarida Chagdzom hududi Xitoyning bir qismi sifatida ko'rsatilgan. 1990 yildan beri, agar Butan g'arbda 269 kvadrat kilometr (104 kvadrat milya) maydonni (Doklam, Charitang, Sinchulungpa, Dramana va Shaxatoe) Xitoyga. Butan 1980 -yillarda yoki undan ko'p o'tmay, Kula Xari hududiga (ko'pincha Kulha Kangri deb yoziladi) o'z da'vosidan voz kechdi, bu avvalgi da'vosini kartografik xato bilan bog'ladi.
Eslatma: Butan tilida joy nomlari birinchi navbatda, keyin xitoycha ismlar qavs ichida berilgan. Talab qilingan hududlarning xitoycha nomlari kamdan -kam hollarda mahalliy Butan nomlari bilan mos keladi, bu erda faqat yo'l -yo'riq uchun berilgan. Xitoy Sakteng hududida da'vo qilgan hududni ko'rsatadigan xaritani e'lon qilmagan va bu erda Xitoy da'vo qilingan hududning minimal bahosi ko'rsatilgan. Tashqi siyosat xaritasi Robert Barnett va uning jamoasining tadqiqotlariga asoslangan
An'anaviy ravishda Beyul Khenpajong nomi bilan tanilgan bu hudud Butanning eng muqaddas joylaridan biri bo'lib, u erda aholining aksariyati Tibet buddist an'analariga amal qiladi. So'z Beyul means “hidden valley,” a term used in traditional Tibetan literature for at least seven areas high in the Himalayas ringed by mountain ridges and, according to legend, concealed by the legendary tantric master Padmasambhava in the eighth century and only discoverable by those with heightened spiritual powers. The Beyul Khenpajong is the most famous such valley in Bhutan, described in Bhutanese literature and myth since at least the 15th century. Jigme Namgyal, the father of the first king of Bhutan’s current ruling dynasty, was born on the eastern perimeter of the Beyul, only 75 miles as the crow flies northeast of Bhutan’s now-capital, Thimphu. Given its incomparable importance for the Bhutanese and for Tibetan Buddhists in general, no Bhutanese official would ever formally relinquish this area to China, any more than Britain would yield Stonehenge or Italy Venice.
Foreign Policy contacted the spokesperson for the Indian Ministry of External Affairs, the Bhutanese mission to the United Nations and the prime minister’s office, and both the Chinese Embassy in Washington and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Beijing for a response to this story. We received no response from the Chinese government, which rarely comments on stories before publication. The Indian government said it had no comment. The Bhutanese government did not respond to multiple inquiries.
In the face of raw Chinese power, Bhutan appears to have chosen to maintain what the Bhutanese political commentator Tenzing Lamsang has previously characterized as a “disciplined silence.” As a “small country stuck between two giants,” he said, Bhutan’s strategy is “to avoid unnecessarily antagonizing either side.”
Satellite Evidence of Chinese Development in Northern Bhutan
Slide to view before and after images of the site.
Top: The first road built by China across Bhutan’s northern border runs from Lagyab in Lhodrak (Luozha) county in the TAR to Mabjathang in the Beyul, which is part of Kurtoe in Bhutan’s Lhuntse district. The first image, taken on Dec. 25, 2003, shows the future site of the road the second shows it as it was on Jan. 8, 2021. Work on the road started from Lagyab in 2015, and by 2017 a basic gravel road was open. Bottom: The village of Gyalaphug, 2.5 miles south of Bhutan’s border with China, has been key to China’s settlement of the Beyul. The first image, from December 2003, shows the site long before construction the second shows it in January 2021. Google Earth
Apart from wandering ascetics, seasonal nomads, and a handful of refugees from Tibet in the late 1950s, the Beyul has been uninhabited for centuries. At an average altitude of 12,000 feet, until now it has had no buildings, roads, or settlements apart from two small temples abandoned decades ago, stone huts for shepherds, and perhaps three basic shelters or campsites used by Bhutanese frontier troops. Entering the Beyul from Tibet, now part of China, involves a journey across passes the height of Mont Blanc few other than mountaineers would normally attempt it. The second enclave now being settled by China in northern Bhutan is even higher: The Menchuma Valley, 1.2 miles to the east of the Beyul and 19 square miles in size, is at an altitude of 14,700 feet at its lowest point, apart from one ravine. Like the Beyul, it lies inside the Kurtoe subdistrict of Lhuntse and until now has never had settlements, roads, or buildings.
Bhutan’s border guards are posted in the Beyul each summer, but their task is primarily to defend Bhutanese herders in encounters with their counterparts from Tibet. From the mid-1990s onward, these encounters became more aggressive: The Bhutanese accuse the Tibetans of cattle rustling collecting timber constructing shelters driving huge, consolidated flocks of yaks across traditional Bhutanese grazing lands and demanding that Bhutanese herders pay taxes to them for grazing there.
By 2005, this led Bhutanese herders to withdraw to the south of the Beyul, and the Bhutanese soldiers posted there, who depend on the herders for supplies, went with them to the south, where neither they nor the herders would have known of the construction work in the northern Beyul. In Thimphu, officials probably assumed that these clashes between herders were minor provocations by Beijing. Such incidents had become commonplace in all the areas of Bhutan claimed by China, and there was no precedent suggesting they might escalate to major construction, still less settlement it could hardly have been imaginable that China would take such a step.
Today all of the Menchuma Valley and most of the Beyul are controlled by China. Both are being settled. Together, they constitute 1 percent of Bhutan’s territory if it were to lose them, it would be comparable to the United States losing Maine or Kentucky. If Bhutanese troops try to reenter these areas, they will have to do so on foot and, given the lack of infrastructure on their side, would be immediately beyond the reach of supplies or reinforcements. The Chinese troops would have a barracks close at hand, would be motorized, and would be only three hours’ drive from the nearest town in China.
This map, titled “Illustrative Map of the Border Between China and Bhutan and the Disputed Area (the 1980s),” has been circulating since the 1980s within China. It is annotated with extensive historical details about China’s claims to areas of Bhutan. The map is frequently reproduced and discussed on Chinese websites and in social media. It is not clear where the information used was obtained from, but the level of detail suggests it may have been leaked or obtained from an official source. (Note: In the left corner of this version, it says, “Edited by Leefengw in December 2005.” The right corner says, “Free/liberate Southern Tibet.” These details were evidently added to a later version.)
China’s claim to these areas is recent. Both the Beyul and the Menchuma Valley were shown as parts of Bhutan on official Chinese maps until at least the 1980s. They still appeared as parts of Bhutan on official Chinese tourist maps and gazetteers published in the late 1990s. Still today, even the maps published on China’s official national mapping site, tianditu.gov.cn, vary widely as to which parts of the Beyul are claimed by China and which are not.
China has not publicly explained or even mentioned its claim to the Menchuma Valley, but since the 1980s it has spoken volubly of its claim to the Beyul. At that time, according to a number of Chinese writers and activists, Chinese officials discovered a ruling by the Jiaqing Emperor (reigned 1796-1820) granting grazing rights in the Beyul to herders belonging to the monastery of Lhalung in western Lhodrak in southern Tibet. This document has yet to be seen publicly and has not so far been found in Tibetan records. It may exist, but reciprocal cross-border grazing was the norm in the Himalayas and in the Beyul before the Chinese invasion and annexation of Tibet in the 1950s.
China has long renounced the 19th-century claims by Qing emperors—repeated by Mao Zedong in the 1930s—to sovereignty over Bhutan and other Himalayan states. Relations between China and Bhutan have been amicable since the early 1970s, when Bhutan supported China’s entry into the United Nations. As one Chinese official put it recently, the two countries are “friendly neighbors linked by mountains and rivers.” But as with China’s other Himalayan neighbors, the legacies of colonialism and conflict have left behind uncertain borders. Since 1984, China and Bhutan have held 24 rounds of talks to settle their disagreements over those mountains and rivers, and this April they agreed to hold the 25th round “at an early date.” (The 24th round was held in August 2016, just before the main construction work in the Beyul began.) Bhutan has shown remarkable flexibility in these talks—early on, probably in the 1980s, Thimphu quietly relinquished its claim to the 154-square-mile Kula Khari (sometimes written as Kulha Kangri) area on its northern border with China, describing that claim as due to “cartographic mistakes.”
In December 1998, China signed a formal agreement with Bhutan, the first and so far only treaty between the two nations. In that document, China recognized Bhutan’s sovereignty and its territorial integrity and agreed that “no unilateral action will be taken to change the status quo on the border.” The construction of roads, settlements, and buildings within the Beyul and the Menchuma Valley is clearly a contravention of that agreement.
Detail from the official Tibetan-language map of the TAR, published by the Chinese authorities in 1981. It shows the border of Bhutan with Lhodrak county in Tibet, with the border marked by the Namgung La and the Bod La passes. The Beyul and the Menchuma Valley are south of those passes and so were outside Tibet and China, according to this map. English annotation by Robert Barnett
China’s interests in the Beyul are not primarily about its relations with Bhutan, which Beijing appears to view in terms of opportunities it can offer China in its strategic rivalry with India. In part, Beijing wants Bhutan to open full relations with China, which would allow it to have a diplomatic presence in Thimphu. This would offset India’s influence in Bhutan, an aim that China has largely achieved in Nepal. Bhutan, however, conscious of the fragility of its landlocked position between the two giants of Asia, has continued to avoid opening full relations with any major power apart from India, with which it has long been allied.
But China’s principal aim in the Beyul is clear from its stance in talks with the Bhutanese government: Ever since 1990, China has offered to give up its claim to 495 square kilometers (191 square miles) of the Beyul if Thimphu will give China 269 square kilometers (104 square miles) in western Bhutan. Those areas—Doklam, Charithang, Sinchulungpa, Dramana, and Shakhatoe—lie close to the trijunction with India and are of far greater strategic importance to China than the Beyul, offering China a foothold only 62 miles from India’s geographic weak point, the 14-mile-wide Siliguri Corridor that connects the Indian mainland to its northeastern territories.
Bhutan initially accepted in principle the Chinese offer of a deal over the Beyul. But negotiations stalled over the details of territory China wanted in the west, and Chinese pressure began to increase. In 2004, the incursions escalated: A top Bhutanese official said Chinese soldiers had come to Tshoka La at the southern tip of the Beyul. That summer, the Chinese began building six roads close to Bhutan’s western borders four of the roads crossed into Bhutan. When Bhutan protested, China replied that it was “overreacting” but agreed as a gesture of goodwill to stop the road-building it resumed a year later. For three years from 2006, there were no border talks between the two governments. During this time, there were at least 38 incursions by Chinese soldiers across Bhutan’s western borders and seven formal protests by Thimphu to Beijing.
Chinese officials knew the Beyul to be of great spiritual significance to the Bhutanese. Despite offers from China of substantial economic aid, however, Bhutan did not accept the trade-off: It could not afford to prejudice relations with India. In 2013, before it began construction work in the Beyul, China arranged a joint survey of the valley by Chinese and Bhutanese experts. But this, too, did not lead Thimphu to accept the deal. China stepped up pressure in the western sector further, leading to the Doklam standoff in 2017. Today, China’s offer to trade the Beyul for the western border areas still stands. But with little likelihood of Bhutanese concessions, the Chinese presence in the Beyul could well become permanent.
In Chinese, the term for so-called salami-slicing tactics—slowly cutting off piece by piece of other nations’ territory—is mumkin shi, or “nibbling like a silkworm.” It’s serious business: The belief that India was gnawing at fragments of China’s territory drove Mao to launch the 1962 Sino-Indian War. And the converse of the phrase is jing tun, “swallowing like a whale.” The small bites of the silkworm can turn into crushing jaws.
For 20 years, China’s nibbling in the Beyul was carried out not by soldiers but by four Tibetan nomads. They were from a village called Lagyab, 4 miles north of the border with Bhutan, and their families had grazed in the Beyul in summers before China annexed Tibet in the 1950s. Since then, as with millions of other Tibetans, their lives, education, and economic prospects have been determined by the Chinese state, and in 1995, they agreed when called on by their village leader to dedicate themselves to the motherland: They were to go and live year-round in the Beyul. Together with 62 yaks, they walked over the passes and set up camp at a site called Mabjathang on the northern bank of the Jakarlung, one of the two major valleys in the Beyul. Scores of articles, interviews, and photographs have since appeared in the Chinese press celebrating the four nomads’ dedication to recovering what “has been the sacred land of our country since ancient times.” They were to remain in the Beyul for the next quarter-century, as China tried and failed to get Bhutan to accept the border trade-off.
In following summers, other herders joined them to carry border markers up to peaks and to paint the Chinese national flag, the hammer and sickle, or the word “China” in Chinese on prominent rocks within the Beyul. On one occasion in 1999, 62 of the herders came together and drove 400 yaks down to the far south of the Beyul to reinforce China’s claim to the area. These actions were the basis of China’s initial pressure on Bhutan to accept its offer of a package deal.
In 2012, China sent a team to carry out the first survey of land and resources in the Beyul. “Since history,” the surveyors wrote in a report for China’s State Forestry Administration on arriving in the Beyul, “no one knows the status of its resources it has been shrouded in a veil of mystery.” A week later, when the survey was completed, they declared that the Beyul was “no longer a mysterious place.” The settlement of the Beyul was about to begin.
Since 2015, China has constructed six new roads in the Beyul (shown here in January 2021) and one in the Menchuma Valley. The roads, which have all been built south of the Bhutanese border (marked in yellow), cover approximately 66 miles so far. Source: Google Earth. Red road outline and labels added by Robert Barnett
In October 2015, workers were brought in from Tibet and parts of China to begin building the road that by mid-2016 would become the first known instance of construction across Bhutan’s northern border and first road to enter the Beyul. Linking Lagyab with Mabjathang, the 29-mile road crossed a 15,700-foot-high mountain pass called the Namgung La into Bhutan. It took two years to complete and cost 98 million yuan ($15 million), according to the Tibet Daily, but cut the journey time from nine hours on foot or horseback to two by car or truck. In 2016, a communications base station was built in Mabjathang. That same year, work began on the construction of buildings at a site 1.2 miles upriver from Mabjathang and 2.5 miles south of the Bhutanese border with Tibet. Officials named the site Jieluobu in Chinese. They seemed unsure what it should be called in Tibetan, writing its name sometimes as Gyalaphug and at other times as Jiliphug. By 2017, as the first houses at Gyalaphug were completed, the number of residents rose to 16.
In January 2017, China’s then-ambassador to India, Luo Zhaohui, visited Bhutan. “I bring a deep appreciation from the Chinese people,” he said. “I am so happy to see the talks on the border have made progress. We maintained peace and tranquility on our border area, and the discussion is going on.” Some 112 miles to the northeast, the road to the Beyul was nearing completion, and Chinese construction crews had started work on building Gyalaphug. In 2017 alone, the Chinese government spent 45 million yuan ($6.9 million) on infrastructure construction in the village, where the remoteness makes everything hugely expensive getting a single bag of cement to Gyalaphug costs 450 yuan ($69).
In October 2018, the village was formally opened, and four new residents arrived, bringing the total to 20. By January 2021, four more blocks had been built for residents, each containing five identical homes, with 1,200 square feet per household. Another 24 households were due to move in during 2020.
Chinese Settlement and Infrastructure in Northern Bhutan
Since 2015, China has established three villages, seven roads, and at least five military or police outposts in the Beyul and the Menchuma Valley. These are documented in official Chinese reports and videos. The other sites shown here are visible on satellite images and are possible security infrastructure or outposts but have not been conclusively identified. Official Chinese maps until at least the 1980s showed its border with Bhutan as running through the Namgung La and Bod La passes but now include the Beyul and the Menchuma Valley as parts of China. (Most official Chinese maps also claim the Chagdzom area.) Bhutan’s definition of the border, which is generally accepted internationally, runs about 2 miles north of the Namgung La.
Border relocation villages Confirmed Chinese security outposts Possible Chinese security sites
Foreign Policy map based on research by Robert Barnett and his team
Explore the Chinese Settlements
Click through the gallery below for details on the 12 sites mapped above.The village of Gyalaphug (Jieluobu) has been key to the settlement of the Beyul (Baiyu) by China. Clockwise from top left: The first image shows the completion of the first phase of construction in late 2018, with two administrative blocks and two residential ones. Four more rows of houses have since been added. The second image shows villagers, political cadres, construction workers, and security personnel gathering to salute the Chinese flag and sing the national anthem at Gyalaphug on Oct. 1, 2020, China’s National Day. The third, taken in 2020, shows villagers putting Chinese flags above the doorways of homes. The last image, from 2020, shows the doorway of a typical home. Tibet News Broadcasting video screenshot Lhodrak County Party Committee via WeChat Tibet Daily video screenshots
The village of Dermalung (Demalong) is still under construction, sitting 1.2 miles along a road built in 2020 along the Jakarlung Valley after it turns to the south. In November 2020, the Chinese government put out a call for bids to construct the “Demalong Beside-the-Border Relocation Village.” Located at an altitude of 11,900 feet, the project will include “private houses,” “sports facilities,” and “community monitoring.” Clockwise from top left: The first image, from November 2020, shows the construction site and the road along the valley. The second shows a People’s Liberation Army (PLA) captain in Dermalung greeting the visiting party secretary of Lhodrak county, Zhao Tianwu, on April 17. The third image shows the construction site on Nov. 9, 2020, including a block with five houses and 10 other buildings. The final image shows the party secretary of Lhokha municipality, Xu Chengcang, meeting a security team stationed at a nearby outpost on Oct. 6, 2019. Google Earth Minjing Luozha (“Hidden Lhodrak”), Lhodrak county government social media channel Maxar Weishannanguanfang, the official WeChat platform of the Propaganda Department of the Lhokha (Shannan) Municipal Party Committee, TAR
This security post in the Menchuma (Minjiuma) Valley, seen in a satellite image on Feb. 20 and believed to hold Chinese border police, is located at the southern foot of the 16,200-foot-high Bod La pass on Bhutan’s traditional border with Tibet. The Chinese began building a road from Lhodrak in Tibet into the Menchuma Valley in 2017. Work on the road has continued since the initial pass was finished by the end of 2017 and now is far more advanced than the roads in the Beyul, with at least part of it already hard-surfaced, as seen at right in April. Maxar Technologies Minjing Luozha (Hidden Lhodrak), WeChat channel of Lhodrak County Party Committee
The Menchuma Valley (top left), as viewed from the Gang La pass in Bhutan looking north in December 2020, with the Menchuma River gorge in the foreground. The mountains of Lhodrak in Tibet are visible in the background. The farthest arrow marks the Bod La pass, the traditional border, where the new road from Tibet crosses into the Menchuma Valley. The second arrow marks the site of the security outpost at the foot of pass. The road then crosses a high plateau and climbs up the ridge before dropping down into the steep gorge of the Menchuma River. The third arrow marks the site of Menchuma village, built on a ridge 15,400 feet above sea level, 2 miles south of Bhutan’s traditional border with Tibet. The images at top right and bottom left show the party secretary of Lhokha municipality, Xu Chengcang, visiting Menchuma with his team of police and officials in October 2019. Work was already well advanced by November 2020, when the Chinese government put out a call for bids for the construction of Phase 3 of the Menchuma project. The call included building “residential housing, sports facilities, landscaping, community monitoring, and an access control system.” At least 15 families had been moved in by April, and at least 15 more are expected to move in shortly. By early this year, a village-resident cadre team had been installed in the village the image at bottom right shows a meeting it held with the Menchuma village committee and Communist Party branch on April 20. Google Earth Weishannanguanfang, the official WeChat platform of the Propaganda Department of the Lhokha (Shannan) Municipal Party Committee, TAR Minjing Luozha (Hidden Lhodrak), WeChat channel of Lhodrak County Party Committee Office
Mabjathang (Majiatang)—“the peacock plain”—is an area of grazing land on the northern bank of the upper Jakarlung, seen in December 2003 and January of this year. This was the site where four Tibetan nomads lived after they were sent to stake China’s claim to the Beyul in 1995. Clockwise from top left: The original shelter at Mabjathang, shown in the first image from December 2003, can still be seen in the second image, marked with a red square, taken this January. The building marked with a smaller red square was constructed by the nomads soon after 2003, and they lived in it for a further 15 years, until moving to the new village of Gyalaphug in 2018, 1.2 miles east of Mabjathang. The new blue-roofed buildings are identified by unofficial Chinese mappers as used by the military. The final image shows construction work in 2020 in front of the building in which the first four nomads lived until they moved to Gyalaphug. Google Earth Tibet Daily TV screen grab
In 2020, a second road was built linking China to the Beyul, shown here in September 2020. Running southwest from Lagyab township in Lhodrak county, it crosses into the Beyul over a pass called the Choekong La (Qiegongla) and down to the upper Jakarlung (Jigenong) at a location named on Chinese maps as Zhagabu, 5 miles east of Gyalaphug. From there, the road has been extended eastward along the north bank of the river. Beside the new road, two sets of buildings are marked by unofficial Chinese mappers as military sites, shown in the second image, taken in November 2020. Google Earth
Left: At the point where the upper Jakarlung makes a sharp turn to the south, a site that was completely undeveloped in 2003 named on official Chinese maps in Chinese as Qujielong or by others as Semalong, a number of buildings have been constructed, seen here in September 2020. Some maps, drawing on unofficial Chinese mapping data, have marked these buildings as a military installation. Right: A satellite image from September 2020 shows a row of buildings or tents amid construction work 270 yards south of the point where the Jakarlung turns sharply from the east to the south, 1.2 miles north of Dermalung. In September 2020, official Chinese media reported an inspection by officials of “infrastructure” at a location within walking distance of Dermalung called Dejiutang, possibly a reference to this site. Google Earth
The top left image, taken in January, shows the first-ever road into the Pagsamlung Valley, on the western side of the Beyul, built by the Chinese in 2020. The road, not yet complete, runs south from Gyalaphug for 1.9 miles and then crosses over the 15,700-foot-high Ngarab La (Eruola) pass, dropping down into the Pagsamlung Valley 1.9 miles to the southwest. A cluster of buildings, with what appear to be satellite dishes, has been built 2 miles to the southwest of the pass. Later in 2020, a second road was built from a point 4 miles east of Gyalaphug leading from the upper Jakarlung toward the Pagsamlung. In April 2020, Wu Yingjie, the TAR party secretary, inspected the security teams stationed on the Ngarab La. Footage of his visit, shown in the bottom right image, indicates that there are two outposts there—one manned by police, and another by PLA soldiers. Google Earth via Tibet Daily and cited by Baidu as from the Department of Commerce of the TAR
Just north of Gyalaphug and Mabjathang is a ridge, shown in this image from January. In 2020, a road was built up to a point on the ridge (named on some Chinese maps as Mawentang) at 15,400 feet, comprising a fenced-off area with two structures in it and a smaller building to the side. One of the buildings, with a circular pad or structure on the roof, is estimated to be over 130 feet high and is presumably a military installation of some kind. Google Earth
In 2020, the second Chinese road from Lagyab into the Beyul was extended eastward along the upper Jakarlung Valley, as shown in the first image. About a mile eastward from the point where this road enters the valley, it passes a compound with seven rectangular red-roofed buildings arranged around a square. It is presumed to be a military base or barracks, shown in the second image on Nov. 9, 2020. Google Earth and Maxar
In the upper reaches of the Pagsamlung (Basangnong) Valley just below the treeline, shown on Jan. 8, two buildings are visible near Tangwo, where the Bhutanese army had an outpost until at least the late 1970s. Some unofficial maps describe these buildings as a Chinese military outpost, naming it (probably incorrectly) as the Lhalung Lhakhang outpost. The buildings are 1.2 miles south of the new, unfinished road that runs across the Ngarab La pass from Gyalaphug. So far, there is still only a track linking the new road to the buildings in the valley. Google Earth
Near the southern tip of the Beyul, on the east bank of the Pagsamlung River, are the ruins of a temple, identified on some Chinese maps as Lhalung Lhakhang (Lalonglakangsi), 12 miles south of the Bhutanese border, shown here in January. Lhalung Lhakhang is particularly important because, according to the Bhutanese government, China is claiming territory as far south as Tshoka La (Cuogala), a pass that overlooks Lhalung Lhakhang temple from the west. The upper marker shows the remains of another temple, which some sources say was called Tsechu Lhakhang (Cijiuilakang), near the site of a Bhutanese military outpost in the 1980s. In November 2019, Zhao Tianwu, the Lhodrak party secretary, traveled to Lhalung Lhakang and the Pagsamlung hot springs, close to Tshoka La, with a team of 17 police and officials, as shown in the second image. If a Chinese outpost has been set up here, it would be the southernmost position held by Chinese security forces in the Beyul, 9 miles south of the Bhutanese border. Google Earth Minjing Luozha (Hidden Lhodrak), WeChat channel of Lhodrak County Party Committee Office
Gyalaphug was one of more than 600 new villages being built as part of a 2017 policy of “well-off border village construction” in Tibet, though as far as is known the others lie just within China’s borders. Official rhetoric requires their residents to make “every village a fortress and every household a watchpost” and terms their residents “soldiers without uniforms”—their primary task is to guard China’s borders. Satellite images and media photographs show that Gyalaphug is dominated by two double-storied administration buildings, the largest of which has been purpose-built for Communist Party meetings and village assemblies, following an obligatory design across the Tibetan Plateau. The one in Gyalaphug has a signboard on the roof with a hammer and sickle in yellow and the words “The Party and Serve-the-Masses Center” in Chinese and, in much smaller lettering, Tibetan. A giant painting of China’s national flag covers the endwall of one building a flagpole, perhaps 40 feet high, stands in the center of the village and a large red banner says, “Resolutely uphold the core position of General Secretary Xi Jinping! Resolutely uphold the authority of and centralized and unified leadership by the Party Central Committee!”
The actual population of the village is higher than shown in official figures because of temporary residents. They include an estimated 50 construction workers, technical advisors, and security forces, many of them Chinese rather than Tibetans. A special unit from the police agency overseeing borders is based in or near the village. The most important task of this police agency, one officer stationed on the western Tibetan border told a Chinese news agency, is to catch “illegal immigrants”—meaning Tibetans trying to flee to India or Nepal.
The village residents are required to form a joint defense team, probably with the border security police, that carries out patrols of neighboring mountains. A village-based cadre work team lives in the village, with cadres posted there for a year or more at a time, to provide “guidance” to the residents’ village committee and the village branch of the Chinese Communist Party. The team carries out political education of the villagers and helps with practical needs, such as improving techniques for growing mushrooms and vegetables in greenhouses in the village.
The Mystery of Herxheim: Was an Entire Village Cannibalized? - Tarix
Photo Gallery: Traces of Stone-Age Cannibalism Found in Germany
Archaeologists found just such a pile -- a huge one -- when they were excavating a Stone Age settlement in the small town of Herxheim in south-western Germany. The only difference is that the bones aren't from cattle. Researchers found the carefully scraped remains of some 500 humans, and they haven't even excavated half the site. "We expect the number of dead to be twice as high," said Andrea Zeeb-Lanz, project leader of the Cultural Heritage Agency of the state of Rhineland-Palatinate.
That's a lot of corpses for a tiny Stone Age village. There were 10 buildings at most here in the last phase of the Linear Pottery culture of the European Neolithic Age around 5,000 to 4,950 years BC. The corpses weren't native to this area, researchers have discovered. They came from all over Europe -- from the area of what is now Paris, from the Moselle River 100 kilometers to the northwest and even from the Elbe River valley some 400 kilometers away. The broken bits of pottery lying between their ribs reveal their origin. It's the so-called Linear Pottery that gave the entire population group its name: decorated with linear patterns pressed into the moist clay while it was being made.
The strangers brought only the finest pottery from their home regions -- in many cases even more beautiful than the pottery they placed inside the graves of their own dead at home. But the pottery was smashed to pieces and scattered over the bones, along with brand new millstones and stone blades. Everything was hacked to pieces, broken up, mixed together and poured into pits.
The anthropolgist Bruno Boulestin conducted a close examination of the bone fragments. He published his findings from one pit eight meters long in the latest edition of Antiquity magazine. The pit contained a total of 1,906 bone fragments from at least 10 people. Two of them were infants or still-born children, one was a fetus in the 34th to 36th week of pregnancy, there were two children aged six and 15 and six adults, at least one of whom was male.
All of them -- babies, children, adults -- were butchered by expert hands while the bones were still fresh, as the breaks and cuts show. Boulestin concluded that the human bones bore the same marks as those of slaughtered livestock, and that the dead of Herxheim were prepared as meals. He believes that marks on the bones indicate that body parts were cooked on skewers. His conclusions contradict other researchers who believe the meat was taken off the bones as part of a burial ritual, and wasn't eaten.
No Signs of Battle Wounds
Who were the dead? Conquered enemies perhaps? Probably not, because the bones showed no signs of battle wounds. None of the skulls found was smashed, and there were no arrow heads between the ribs. The dead of Herxheim appear to have been in good health when they died. Their joints weren't worn down, their teech were in exceptionally good condition and there was no sign of malnutrition.
The theory of conquered enemies also seems unlikely given that the small group of Herxheim villagers is unlikely to have vanquished people hundreds of kilometers away and dragged 1,000 of them back to their little hamlet in the space of just 50 years. "One could also imagine that people volunteered to come here and be ritually sacrificed," Zeeb-Lanz told SPIEGEL ONLINE.
So what happed in Herxheim at the start of the fifth millennium BC? It's clear that the hamlet quickly came to fame. It had been a sleepy, uneventful place since the so-called Flomborn Phase around 5,300 years BC. But around the turn of the millennium something happened that caused people from all over Europe to make pilgrimages to this place -- a sensational feat of logistics and communication for that age.
Only 50 Years of Fame
Lekin bu uzoq davom etmadi. By 4,950 BC everything was over. After that there were no more deaths in Herxheim because the settlement ceased to exist. It's a puzzling phenomenon for archaeologists because 50 years is an extremely short time for a place of such significance. "And 50 year is the maximum," says Zeeb-Lanz. "It could all have happened in just two years or even five weeks."
It's clear that it wasn't hunger that drove the inhabitants of this mysterious hamlet to carve up humans. What they did with their victims was part of a ritual, a religious ceremony. This includes the mysterious treatment of human skulls. First the skin was peeled off them. All it took was a cut across the length of the head and the skin could be peeled off the sides. Then a blow to the face at the front and the base of the neck at the back, and two blows each at the sides -- the result looks like a drinking vessel.
"But probably nobody drank from them. The edges are still so sharp today that one would cut one's lips on them," says Zeeb-Lanz. Archeologists found these prepared skulls piled together in one place. "The more research conduct, the more mysterious this place becomes."
But did the Herxheimers really devour the dead? It's impossible to prove that archaeologically. Boulestin is sure they did, but not all members of the excavation team agree with him. Project leader Zeeb-Lanz is careful too: "We mustn't forget that this was no giant settlement. Who is supposed to have eaten all this?"
10 Shanidar 350,000 B.C.
In the Zagros Mountains of Northern Iraq, archaeologists unearthed a Neanderthal murder victim. The specimen, named &ldquoShanidar 3,&rdquo was a 40 year old and died of a puncture wound to his ninth rib. After testing Paleolithic weapons on goat and pig carcasses, experts determined a lightweight throwing spear caused the damage. Neanderthals had long, heavy stabbing spears, but they did not have projectile technology.
The prime suspect: a modern human. Was it a territorial dispute? An accidental encounter with fatal consequences? Or were the modern humans hungry? Evidence has emerged that modern man cannibalized Neanderthals. Tool marks on Neanderthal jawbones from Les Rois cave in southwestern France match those on slaughtered reindeer remains from the area. Irregular groves in jaws mean one thing: Neanderthal tongues were sliced out&mdasha Paleolithic delicacy. Traces of pollen on remains deep within the Shanidar cave suggest that Neanderthals buried flowers with their dead. In the quest for hominid world domination, who were the real savages?
One rescuer singlehandedly led nine survivors out of the mountains.
Perhaps the most famous of the Donner Party’s saviors was John Stark, a burly California settler who took part in the third relief party. In early March 1847, he and two other rescuers stumbled upon 11 emigrants, mostly kids, who been left in the mountains by an earlier relief group. The two other rescuers each grabbed a single child and started hoofing it back down the slope, but Stark was unwilling to leave anyone behind. Instead, he rallied the weary adults, gathered the rest of the children and began guiding the group singlehandedly. Most of the kids were too weak to walk, so Stark took to carrying two of them at a time for a few yards, then setting them down in the snow and going back for others. He continued the grueling process all the way down the mountain, and eventually led all nine of his charges to safety. Speaking of the incident years later, one of the survivors credited her rescue to “nobody but God and Stark and the Virgin Mary.”
Haunting black-and-white image of wraithlike human holding a candle (which the Anasazi did not have) from “Nasty Witch Rock In Effect! Anasazi & Part 1 Full Sets,” on CVLTNation.com.
Image of Maasaw (aka Másaw), “Maasaw – God of Death,” by Carla Trujillo, collagraph print 2008, on her website.
Image of coprolite (not human) from a PowerPoint presentation (link downloads the PowerPoint file) by Ashley Moore-Rivera.
Image of Navajo Skinwalker (not an Anasazi witch, but they must have looked at least as fearsome) from “Native American Witchcraft- Thomas Scarponi,” March 26, 2013, on PSU.edu (that’s Penn State University).
Image of Darwin vs. Jesus from “BEYOND Evolution vs. Creation,” November 27, 2011, on 3-D Christianity.
Image of End Ethnic Cleansing from “Complicity in Ethnic Cleansing,” by Dr. Ron Forthofer, July 27, 2014, on The Globe Monitor.